Donald Ramotar and the PPP have already made several missteps,

Donald Ramotar and the PPP have made several missteps, already. The accepted returns of the electorate following the recent national election held on November 28, 2011 resulted in PPP possessing thirty-two seats, APNU twenty six seats and AFC seven seats. This loss of parliamentary majority should have impressed upon the PPP the need for an administration most reflective and/or inclusive the voice of the Guyanese voters.
However, Donald Ramotar’s cabinet left much to be desired. Donald Ramotar, not surprising, and/or reflective of the tally PPP received and/or gave themselves failed miserably to seize the day and aspire to change the pattern of behavior. The result of the process of selection employed by the PPP can certainly be described as continuance of failed and failing personnel in the highest offices in the land. Clearly, the PPP have acted in violation and disregard of the consensus of 174,000 of the Guyanese voters.
I shall ever argue that Ramotar, his advisers, and the PPP already committed their first major error of this current administration. They should have seized day. The PPP should have named between five and seven members of the opposition as members of the cabinet. Thereby attempt to offset the gains made by the opposition. Such a move would have been sound political strategy. It would have indicated to the voters that the PPP is serious about change. The PPP is committed to ending the climate of ethnic fears and insecurity, which have bedeviled the Guyanese people most noticeably since perhaps October 1953. Again the PPP has deliberately missed the boat.

PPP - A HISTORY OF RECURRING BLUNDERS AND MISSTEPS, MISS OPPORTUNITIES
The PPP has a long history of missteps and missed opportunities. Therefore the PPP made major contributions to the extended period of misery experienced by the Guyanese people since the British Government removed the representation of the Guyanese people in October 1953. The unnecessary controversies which resulted in the departures of Eusi Kwayana and Balram Singh Rai from the PPP were most regrettable, unnecessary and unforgiving. The PPP had already suffered a major and not surprising split in February 1955. In the 1970s, the PPP committed its most glaring errors. First, in 1973, the nonsense labeled critical support. Then, perhaps, their greatest travesty, their failure to work with the WPA to remove the Forbes Burnham regime from office in 1979. I stand on the firm belief; the majority of the Guyanese people were prepared and expected change – the removal of the PNC regime in 1979. Thus, it’s my view the PPP did not seize and/or join the movement to terminate the Burnham dictatorship but instead opted for survival.
I had concluded that Dr. Jagan was afraid any effort to remove the PNC would degenerate into ethnic hostilities, as occurred in 1962 – 1964. Jagan did not want Guyanese to bleed for their freedom and liberty. He was trying to echo Mahatma Gandhi. I was most pleasantly surprised to read an article by Dr. Rupert Roopnarine stating Dr. Jagan was an admirer of bloody revolutions. I still do not know what to make of that statement. Perhaps, I would still doubt that very much even if I heard it uttered by Dr. Jagan, himself.
Clearly, Donald Ramotar should have reached out to a number of highly respected Guyanese to advise and/or join his cabinet. Amongst these should be Eusi Kwayana, Balram Singh Rai, Moses Bhagwan Rampersaud Tiwari, Rashleigh Jackson, Barton Scotland, Harold Lutchman, Joycelyne Loncke, Sonny Ramphal, and Ronald Austin and a number of others should have been approached.
Persons such as Faith Harding, Deborah Backer, Moses Nagamootoo, Ramjattan, Trotman, Roopnarine, David Hinds and a number of others should have been considered and approached for ministerial positions. Such moves and approaches would have been unprecedented in the annals of Guyanese political history, dating back to the Europeans seizure and colonization of the homelands of the aboriginal peoples of Guyana during the opening decades of the seventeenth century.

ELECTION REFORM
The three days’ delay in the announcement of the result of the November 28, 2011 election has certainly raised eye brows. They presented reasons for concern and perhaps, grievances.
Certainly, reform is an absolute necessity. The need is to totally address the concerns and/or questions raised. If the PPP were returned with a majority cries of election engineering would have appeared on the surface totally valid.
The unanswered question remains did the APNU actually obtained the most votes? The answer to that question remains unknown. The three days’ delay before the announcement has given rise to legitimate questions concerning the accuracy of the announced and accepted returns of the November 28, 2011 election.
I believe if the Guyanese people employed at GECOM are proved to be not above board, are in doubt and cooperated with the PPP – then, they are enemies of the Guyanese people. In fact the entire lot must face the full weight of the laws of the people and state of Guyana, and the full force of the wrath of the Guyanese people.
In a multiethnic society such as Guyana with such an explosive climate of ethnic insecurity and fears it is perhaps best practice for the United Nations to handle all aspects and phases of the national electoral process.
I am unconvinced that ballot boxes must be secured by the political party in office, and Guyanese would accept the results as gospel –and/ or as an accurate assessment of the voice of the Guyanese People. I believe no investment must be spared in the effort to arrive at a most accurate result, at all times…
At first glance, I gleamed the Guyanese voters announced they were sick, and tired of Jagdeo, and his elected dictatorship which resulted in too many homicides, corruption, nepotism, marginalization, disenfranchisement of people and their communities. I would be surprised if history does not declare more
Guyanese were killed during Jagdeo’s eleven years of dictatorship, than the combined total of the PNC years, 1964-1992 and the periods of Cheddi Jagan, April – October 1953, 1957 – 1964, and 1992-1997. Would you believe that the Daily Chronicle reported that there were twenty-three (23) reported homicides for the year ending 1957? The Commissioner of the British Guiana Police Force groaned that that figure was extra-ordinarily high and therefore unacceptable. That was then – wonder what he would have stated respecting the numbers of homicides during the Jagdeo years at the helm?
Thus, at first glance the figures although disappointed that the AFC did not receive the most votes and thus would not be allowed to lead the nation for the next five years, I was initially satisfied. However, I could not shake the nagging feeling of something fishy transpired during the three days’ delay. Could it have been foul play? Were the numbers doctored? Did the PPP receive even less votes than the announced figures? If so, why didn’t the PPP give themselves a
clear-cut majority? Are the PPP and Gocool and Surubally and GECOM playing the Guyanese people for total idiots? Are the PPP and their agents at GECOM hell-bent on rejecting change from the missteps of the generations of the past and disregarding the wishes, the voices of the current generations? I am positive, these and other questions raised by others deserve to be addressed totally. But, will they?
I believe Donald Ramotar, the PPP and their advisers, should have looked at the numbers, 166,000 votes and interpret such as a clear-cut consensus that the Guyanese voters have spoken, saying they have rejected past behaviors. Once the PPP executive had done so; they would have realized they simply could not select a cabinet which shows continuity on the surface. A sly political statement would have been to approach persons connected with the WPA, and the AFC, if they were uncertain what to make of trying PNC personnel. At least, Donald Ramotar would have best advised to make overtures to include persons from all political groups in his cabinet.
I must say I am utterly disappointed. But not surprised – although I was hoping Donald Ramotar would have the mental fortitude to copy one of the best strategies Forbes Burnham ever employed – grabbing and enticing opponents to join the PNC regime.
Another failing grade for the PPP. Another loss for the people and state of Guyana. Yet, all’s not lost – the opposition has the majority – that ensures the PPP must respect the wishes of the Guyanese people, or at least Guyana’s parliament, and/or face an even more worst result in the next national and local government elections.

Sancho in the Newspapers 1881-1938

Lammy T. Sancho, Allick Sancho, Christy Sancho, Charles Sancho, Bentinck Sancho, Sarah Sancho, Robert J. Sancho, Swanson B. Sancho, Ann Sancho, Bourne Sancho, George Sancho, Gilbert Sancho, Joseph Sancho, Mars Sancho, Dada Sancho, Benjamin Sandy, Mary Sandy, M. Sandy, Mrs. Elliott, Tappin Elliott, Thomas Elliott, were all residents and/or were associated of Golden Grove and Nabaclis.
David Sancho, Margaret Sancho (died July 18, 1895, a daughter of Susan Peters), Susan Peters, Charlotte Sancho (formerly Charlotte Adams), and William Sancho were residents of the villages of Buxton and Friendship.
Sancho (Goedverwagting), Ghowrie Sancho, Emily Callighan, Mary Callighan, and William Callighan (butcher, and Constable, Rural Constabulary) of Victoria Village; Sancho Adams (Ann's Grove), and Princess Sanco (perhaps Princess Sancho Clonbrook); were also residents in the communities on the East Coast of Demerara.
Cornelius Sancho, Elizabeth Sancho, Emanuel Sancho, Frederick Sancho, James Sancho, John Sancho, and Manoel Sancho were connected to Georgetown.
William Frederick Sancho (Plantation Rose Hall, Canje), Andrew Sancho (Berbice), Dat Sancho and Sarah Sancho of Fyrish, Smart Sancho, and Georgie Downer/George Sancho (Courtland, Corentyne), James Sancho ( No# 70 Village, Corentyne), Mrs. S. Sancho(Corentyne);
Returns of the Gold Industry show the following were miners; James Sancho and John Sancho, A. Sancho and Others, Sancho and Gilbert, Simon and Sancho, Sancho and Simon, J. S. Sancho, Douglas and G. Sancho, P. A. Montague, J. A. Sancho, J. Sancho and J. Granville
Lammy Sancho Phillips, (perhaps Golden Grove), Sancho Brandis (Kortberaad, East Bank Berbice) and Robert Sancho Daniel (Chemist and Druggist, Sick Nurse and Dispenser),
LAMMY T. SANCHO – Lammie T. Sancho v. Charles McKenzie the Demerara Daily Chronicle Thursday, January 19, 1882: page 3 column 3.
LAMMY T. SANCHO – An Irritable Village Overseer - the Demerara Daily Chronicle Friday, February 23, 1883: page 4 column 2.
LAMMY T. SANCHO – Petty Debt Court - the Daily Chronicle, Thursday, July 15, 1886: page 4 column 1.
LAMMY T. SANCHO – Petty Debt Court - The Daily Chronicle, Thursday, August 19, 1886: page 3 columns 5 & 6.
LAMMY T. SANCHO – Source: An Incident At Belfield Sports - the Daily Chronicle - Saturday, October 2, 1886: Page 3 Column 2.
LAMMY T. SANCHO – Source: Execution Sales - The Chronicle, Tuesday, March 13, 1888: Page 1.
LAMMY T. SANCHO – Source: Execution Sales - The Chronicle, Tuesday, October 9, 1888: Page 1.
LAMMY T. SANCHO – Source: Execution Sales - The Chronicle, Wednesday, November 7, 1888: Page 1.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - Emily Busby v. Lammy T. Sancho - Inferior Civil Court - Georgetown, - Cases fixed for Hearing - the Daily Chronicle - Thursday, November 28, 1889: Page 4 Column 4.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - Emily Busby v. Sammy J. Sancho - . Inferior Civil Court - Georgetown-the Daily Chronicle - Friday, November 29, 1889: Page 4 Column 3.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - Emily Busby v. Lammy T. Sancho - Inferior Civil Court - Georgetown, - Cases fixed for Hearing - the Daily Chronicle - Thursday, January 16, 1890: Page 4 Column 4.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - Police News - Belfield Source: Unlawful Making Strays - The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, November 12, 1892: page 4 Column 2.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - The New Village Ordinance - The Daily Chronicle. Friday, February 10, 1893: page 3 Column 3.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - Village Notice -Village Councils Ordinance 1892 - the Daily Chronicle - Sunday, March 5, 1893:.page 1 column 4.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - Meeting of Village Councils - the Daily Chronicle - Saturday, March 11, 1893:.page 3 column 7.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - Village Notice - the Daily Chronicle - Saturday, July 15, 1893:.page 1 column 5
LAMMY T. SANCHO - Beharrysingh v. L. T. Sancho, Petty Debt - Police News - The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, July 15, 1893: page 4 Column 1
LAMMY T. SANCHO - Source: Police News - Belfield - ASSAULTS - The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, December 22, 1894: page 4 column 6.
LAMMY T. SANCHO Source: The Law Courts -Inferior Civil Court - The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, March 30, 1887: page 4 column 5.
LAMMY T. SANCHO The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, April 1, 1887: page 4 column 6.
LAMMY T. SANCHO Source: Police News - Petty Debt - The Daily Chronicle, Thursday, March 29, 1888: page 4 column 2.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - Source: The Law Courts - Inferior Civil Court - The Daily Chronicle, Thursday March 29, 1888: page 4 column 1.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - The Daily Chronicle, Friday, March 30, 1888: page 4 column 1.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - source: Village Notices - The Daily Chronicle, Sunday March 5, 1893: page 1 columns 4 & 5.
LAMMY T. SANCHO Source: Police News - - Assaults --The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, July 21, 1894: page 4 Column 3.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, March 23, 1888: page 4 column 6.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, February 28, 1889: page 4 column 6.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, March 1, 1889: page 4 column 6.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, November 18, 1892: page 3 column 6.
LAMMY T. SANCHO - -Important to Land Owners- The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, January 22, 1890: page 3 column 6.
ALLICK SANCHO, Police News - Belfield A Juvenile Offender - The Daily Chronicle, Thursday, March 5, 1885: page 3 column 7. (ALLICK SANCHO, 12 years’ old)
ROBERT J. SANCHO, Golden Grove, Source: Execution Sales - By The Provost Marshal - Counties of Demerary and Essequebo -First Publication -The Daily Chronicle, Tuesday, October 9, 1888: page 1 Column 3.
SWANSON B. SANCHO, and ANN SANCHO: - Source: Execution Sales - The Chronicle, Georgetown, Wednesday, October 31, 1888: page 1 Column 3.
SWANSON B. SANCHO, Golden Grove, and Source: Execution Sales - The Chronicle, Sunday, April 24, 1892: page 1 Column 3.
CHARLES SANCHO, child of BENTINCK SANCHO and SARAH SANCHO Source: Administrator General Notice - The Daily Chronicle, Thursday, March 19, 1885: page 1, columns 6 & 7.
ANDREW SANCHO, Berbice, Registrar’s Notice - the Daily Chronicle - Friday, March 25, 1887: page 1 column 2
BOURNE SANCHO, Golden Grove, Source: Plantain stealing on the East Coast - The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, April 25, 1888: page 3 Column 7.
CHARLOTTE SANCHO, Buxton, and (formerly CHARLOTTE ADAMS of Buxton) Source: Inquest - The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, February 24, 1897: page 3 Column 4.
CHARLOTTE SANCHO, Buxton, and (formerly CHARLOTTE ADAMS of Buxton) Source: Buxton and friendship notes - The Daily Chronicle, Tuesday, February 16, 1897: page 4 Column 1.
CHARLOTTE SANCHO, Buxton, (formerly CHARLOTTE ADAMS of Buxton) Source: Police News - Vigilance, Petty Debt -The Daily Chronicle, Tuesday, October 3, 1893: page 4 Column 5.
CORNELIUS SANCHO, The Law Courts - Supreme Criminal Court - Georgetown, The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, December 5, 1888: page 6 column 1 & 2.
DAVID SANCHO, Buxton, Source: Murder At Friendship - Corner's Inquest - Manoel Marques found guilty - The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, August 29, 1891: page 3 column 5.
EDWARD C. SANCHO, Rose Hall Village, Source: Police - Rural Constables -The Daily Chronicle, February 12, 1899: page 2 column 7
ELIZABETH SANCHO, - Police News - Georgetown, Thefts The Daily Chronicle, Tuesday, March 11, 1890: page 4 column 7
ELIZABETH SANCHO, Police News - Georgetown, Thefts The Daily Chronicle, Tuesday, March 18, 1890: page 4 column 7
EMANUEL SANCHO - Petty Debt Court - Georgetown - the Demerara Daily Chronicle Friday, June 20, 1884: page 4 column 4.
EMANUEL SANCHO - Petty Debt Court - Georgetown - the Demerara Daily Chronicle Saturday, September 20, 1889: page 4 column 5.
EMANUEL SANCHO - Petty Debt Court - Georgetown - the Demerara Daily Chronicle Friday, April 27, 1890 page 4 column 4
EMANUEL SANCHO - Petty Debt Court - Georgetown - the Demerara Daily Chronicle Saturday, December 12, 1891: page 4 column 5.
FREDERICK SANCHO Petty Debt Court - Dismissed - Georgetown - the Demerara Daily Chronicle Friday, November 16, 1888: page 4 column 3.
GEORGE SANCHO - Source: Police News - Vreed-En-Hoop - Miscellaneous - The Daily Chronicle, Sunday, September 15, 1889: page 4 column 2.
GEORGE SANCHO (Golden Grove Village) Source: Police News - Belfield Miscellaneous - , Thursday, September 15, 1889: page 4 column 4.
GILBERT SANCHO (Golden Grove Village) source: Police News - Belfield - Threatening Language - Saturday, March 14, 1896: page 4 column 3
GHOWRIE SANCHO (Victoria Village) source: Police News - Belfield - Friday, February 5, 1892: page 4 column 3
JAMES SANCHO - REMNANT CASES - Cases fixed for hearing -Berbice Court - The Daily Chronicle, Tuesday, May 12, 1885: page 4 column 2.
JAMES SANCHO, Institute of Mines and Forests v. Rocket Company, Source: Petty Debt Court - Georgetown - The Daily Chronicle, Friday, September 7, 1894: page 3 column 6.
JAMES SANCHO, Gold Miner died December 7, 1898.
JOHN SANCHO Source: Police News - Vigilance -The Daily Chronicle, Sunday, January 10, 1886: page 4 column 1.
JOHN SANCHO Source: Petty Debt Court - Georgetown -The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, November 26, 1892: page 4 column 7.
JOSEPH SANCHO - Source: Killing a Sow - Police News - Belfield The Daily Chronicle, Thursday, July 15, 1886: page 4 column 1.
JOSEPH SANCHO - ALLEGED INDECENT LANGUAGE - Source: Police News - Sparendaam -The Daily Chronicle, Friday, April 16, 1897: page 4 column 3.
MANOEL SANCHO, Source: Petty Debt Court - Georgetown - The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, March 26, 1892: page 4 column 7.
MARGARET SANCHO Source: Death By Drowning - the Daily Chronicle, Thursday, July 25, 1895: page 3 column 4.
MARS SANCHO - Source: Police News - Belfield - An Unfortunate Family - The Daily Chronicle Friday, July 10, 1891: page 4 column 3 & 4.
MARS SANCHO - .
MARS SANCHO - Source: Police News - Belfield - Threatening Language - The Daily Chronicle Sunday, May 5, 1895: page 4 column 6.
MARS SANCHO -April5, 1889: page 4.
PRINCESS SANCO (Probably PRINCESS SANCHO of Clonbrook) Source: Police News -Magistrates' Courts - Mahaica Judicial District Belfield Assaults the Demerara Daily Chronicle Thursday, March 30, 1883: page 3 column 4.
SMART SANCHO (Courtland, Corentyne) Source: Pound Notice – Albion Pound –the Daily Chronicle, Tuesday, December 18, 1888: page 1 Column 4.
SMART SANCHO -. Source: Pound Notices – Albion Pound –the Daily Chronicle, Friday, December 21, 1888: page 1 Column 1.
SMART SANCHO - Source: Pound Notice – Albion Pound – The Daily Chronicle, Thursday, December 27, 1888: page 1 Column 3.
ANN SANCHO, Golden Grove, Source: Execution Sales -The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, October 31, 1888: page 1 Column 3.
WILLIAM SANCHO - Source: Police News -Providence - Thefts-The daily Chronicle Wednesday June 23, 1886: page 4 column 7
WILLIAM SANCHO - Source: Demerara Criminal Session - The daily Chronicle Sunday July 18, 1886: page 3 column 7.
WILLIAM SANCHO - Source: Thefts of Batteaux - The daily Chronicle Wednesday, July 21, 1886: page 3 column 7...
WILLIAM SANCHO - Sentences. The Daily Chronicle, Thursday, July 29, 1886: page 3 column 7.
WILLIAM SANCHO - Source: Registrar's Notice, The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, August 7, 1886: page 1 column 3.
WILLIAM SANCHO - Source: Police News -Georgetown - Breach of Contract - The daily Chronicle Sunday, December 9, 1894: page 8 column 7...
WILLIAM SANCHO - Source: Breach of Contracts - Police News -Georgetown, the Daily Chronicle, Thursday, April 25, 1895: page 4 column 3.
WILLIAM SANCHO - Source: Police News -Vigilance - Breach of the Peace - The daily Chronicle Tuesday October 8, 1895: page 4 column 2...
WILLIAM SANCHO - Source: The Law Courts - Supreme Criminal Sessions - Robbery at Buxton - The Daily Chronicle, Thursday, January 16, 1896: page 3 column 4...
WILLIAM SANCHO - Source: The Law Courts - Supreme Criminal Sessions - Second Court - Wednesday The Daily Chronicle, Thursday, January 16, 1896: page 3 column 4...
WILLIAM SANCHO - . Source: The Law Courts - Supreme Criminal Sessions - The Daily Chronicle, Friday, January 17, 1896: page 4 column 3...
WILLIAM FREDERICK SANCHO - New Amsterdam Judicial District - The Daily Chronicle, January 26, 1886: page 1...
WILLIAM FREDERICK SANCHO - Source: - New Amsterdam Judicial District - The Daily Chronicle, January 28, 1887: page 1.
WILLIAM FREDERICK SANCHO - Source: New Amsterdam Judicial District - The Daily Chronicle, January 28, 1888: page 1.
WILLIAM FREDERICK SANCHO - Sergeant, Rural Constabulary, Plantation Rose Hall, Canje, Berbice - Source: New Amsterdam Judicial District - The Daily Chronicle, Thursday, January 31, 1889: page 2 column 1.
WILLIAM FREDERICK SANCHO - Source: Police - Rural Constabulary - Deaths - The Daily Chronicle. Thursday, March 29, 1894: page 1 column 2...
Mrs. S. SANCHO - Corentyne, Berbice - Suriname Source: Post Office Notice - Unclaimed Postal Matter -the Daily Chronicle, Thursday, August 23, 1894: page 1 Column 3

MINERS –
A. SANCHO & others - Source: The Gold Industry -The Daily Chronicle, Thursday, July 8, 1897: page 3 column 5.
SANCHO & GILBERT - Source The Gold Industry -The Daily Chronicle, Sunday, March 14, 1897: page 5 column 2.
SANCHO & SIMON - Source: The Gold Industry -The Daily Chronicle, Tuesday, June 15, 1897: page 3 column 4.
SIMON & SANCHO - Source: The Gold Industry -The Daily Chronicle, Thursday, July 8, 1897: page 3 column 5.
SANCHO, DOUGLAS & SANCHO: - Source: The Gold Industry -The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, August 18, 1897: page 3 column 7.
J. A. SANCHO, J. J. DOUGLAS & G. SANCHO,
J. S. SANCHO, J. J. DOUGLAS & G. SANCHO, Source: Daily Chronicle, Sunday, February 12, 1899 Pages 2. Col.2. . .
J. S. SANCHO, J. J. DOUGLAS & G. SANCHO, Source: Sale of Claims - Department of Mines - Daily Chronicle, Sunday, March 5, 1899 Page 3. Col.1.
P. A. MONTAGUE, J. A. SANCHO, J. SANCHO & J. GRANVILLE - Source: Claim -The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, August 18, 1895: page 3 col 7...
P. A. MONTAGUE, J. A. SANCHO, J. SANCHO & J. GRANVILLE - Source: Claim -The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, November 27, 1895: page 4 col 7...
P. A. MONTAGUE, J. A. SANCHO, J. SANCHO & J. GRANVILLE - Source: Claim -The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, December 1, 1895: page 3 col 7...
P. A. MONTAGUE, J. A. SANCHO, J. SANCHO & J. GRANVILLE - Source: Claim -The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, December 8, 1895: page 2 col 7...
P. A. MONTAGUE, J. A. SANCHO, J. SANCHO & J. GRANVILLE - Source: Claim -The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, February 19, 1896: page 3 col 7...
P. A. MONTAGUE, J. A. SANCHO, J. SANCHO & J. GRANVILLE - Source: Claim -The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, March 27, 1896: page 3 col 7...
P. A. MONTAGUE, J. A. SANCHO, J. SANCHO & J. GRANVILLE - Source: Claim -The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, May 8, 1896: page 3 col 7
P. A. MONTAGUE, J. A. SANCHO, J. SANCHO & J. GRANVILLE - Source: Claim -The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, December 1, 1896: page 3 col 7...

SANCHO: - Source: Police News -Georgetown - Assault - The Daily Chronicle, Tuesday, August 27, 1895: page 3 column 5.
SANCHO: - Goedverwagting - source: Police News - Sparendaam - Larceny, Friday, August 20, 1897: page 4 column 1.
ELLIOTT - Source: East Coast Notes - The Daily Chronicle, Saturday, November 4, 1893: page 4 column 5.
WILLIAM CALLIGHAN - Source: Miscellaneous - Proposed transfer of License - The Daily Chronicle, Sunday, April 10, 1887: page 1 column 6.
WILLIAM CALLIGHAN - Source - Miscellaneous - Official Notice -The Daily Chronicle, Tuesday, February 18, 1890:page 4 Column 7 WILLIAM CALLIGHAN, EMILY CALLIGHAN, and Eugene Fredericks Miscellaneous -Police News - Belfield, The Daily Chronicle, Friday, December 11, 1891: page 4 Column 4
WILLIAM CALLIGHAN - Police News - Belfield - Assaults - The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, January 25, 1893: page 4 Column 5
EMILY CALLIGHAN - MARY CALLIGHAN, Source: Police News - Belfield, Alleged Assault - The Daily Chronicle, Friday, February 5, 1897: page 3 Column 4
SANCHO ADAMS - The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, April 17, 1888: page 1 Column 5
SANCHO BRANDIS, The Daily Chronicle, Wednesday, November 10, 1891: page 1 Column 4
ROBERT SANCHO DANIEL - Source: Demerara Criminal Session - the Post Office Frauds - Demerara Daily Chronicle, Tuesday, November 15, 1881: page 3 Column 4
ROBERT SANCHO DANIEL - Demerara Daily Chronicle, Tuesday, February 11, 1882: page 3 Column 4
LAMMY SANCHO PHILLIPS - Cow Stealing October 31, 1884: page 3
HECTOR SANCHO MINNIS

Revolution That Failed in Berbice - Torch of Liberation Hoisted by Slaves

Revolution That Failed in Berbice - Torch of Liberation Hoisted by Slaves - Meaning of Earthquakes by Sydney King
“A rebellion is taken to be more or less organised armed resistance against authority with the primary intention of forcing a change of policy, or even of removing individual rulers.
But when the same rebellion takes into its head to bring about, not a change of government but a change of a regime, to smash once and for all the whole basis of relations between a ruler and ruled; to replace the people identified as rulers by a group hitherto identified as ruled, the movement is a revolution.”
So writes Sydney King in this challenging interpretation of the Berbice rebellion which occurred in 1763 when Berbice was under the Dutch. Buxton-born Sydney King is perhaps the most revolutionary figure in Guiana. He was Assistant General-Secretary of the People’s Progressive Party and was detained at Atkinson during the crisis 1953. He subsequently became Secretary of the People’s National Congress, schoolteacher by profession, he is principal of the County High School at Buxton. Buxton-born Sydney King is perhaps the most revolutionary figure in Guiana. He was Assistant General-Secretary of the People’s Progressive Party and was detained at Atkinson during the crisis 1953. He subsequently became Secretary of the People’s National Congress, schoolteacher by profession, he is principal of the County High School at Buxton.

CHALLENGING INTERPRETATION
The Berbice Slave Rebellion was an episode of worldwide historic significance. In order to be of worldwide significance an episode needs only to present new historical qualities that are at all significant. The magnitude of the event is not of the first importance. It is sufficient that in quality the event is a new, or contains a new historical precedent.
Yet, where a small number of human agents are able, all things taken into consideration, to achieve a result that is astonishing to reasonable men, historical magnitude has been produced.
Where a unique clash of forces has taken place, where unique, economic, social, spiritual and emotional factors are present, and then the historical significance cannot be hidden in “gaulin” waist coat pockets. The rising of the Berbice slaves is, on these conditions, a challenge to historians to place a major episode in an obscure country and involving an “obscure” people in its proper historical setting.

FEATURES
The rising of ‘63 took place before the revolt of the thirteen colonies in North America, before the Haitian revolution, a hundred years before the Paris Commune, a hundred and fifty years before the October revolution and nearly two hundred years before the launching of the Cuban perpetual revolution. It contains in embryo features of all these revolutions and it foreshadowed, as many other uprisings have done, some of Lenin’s revolutionary formulations. It could teach lessons to the Haitian slaves, to the Paris Communards, to the Castro guerrillas, the American rebels, and the October Bolsheviks. On the other hand, it is quite distinct from the English Revolution, the French Revolution, and the German Revolution of 1919. An attempt will be made on this bicentenary of the glorious Berbice Rising to put the rebellion in the place due to it in history. The attempt does not profess to say the last word, nor claim complete originality or accuracy. It is an attempt to draw what appears to be fair, human conclusions from the bare naked chronicles that give little help indeed to the writer that dares to interpret and not merely to record.
CONVULSIONS
The Juxtaposition of the Berbice Rising to the other armed explosions of the oppressed, the nearness or the relative historical distance of these uprisings, tell eloquently that the event took place in the context of world convulsions when the established order stood in jeopardy every hour and was to remain so eternally. The spirit of man, awakened by the Reformation, refined by the Renaissance and made vigilant by the industrial revolution was in the quest of liberation. It would be strange indeed, if Africa, the cradle of civilisation, could be untouched by this earthquake of uneasiness. And even if the “slumbering giant” had been drunk with the old wine of isolation, his sons, packed and shipped to the West Indies, so organically a part of the industrial Revolution, could not fail to be sensible of a salient and odious bondage. Slaves could be completely dehumanised, corrupted by terror, denationalised, crammed with self-pity, and self-hate, have the spirit broken to powder so that it ceased sighing; they could be deprived of their gods as they had been deprived of their goods, made to sink, sink, in the suck sand of despair. This undoubtedly happened to slaves, to thousands of slaves, to millions of slaves. But “Cuffy took death to them”

COMPETITION
The economic basis of the slave trade was the practice of capitalism in general and the mercantilist ideology in particular. The whole history of the traffic shows in sharp relief the competition of growing European nationalism. The system of Negro slavery developed with the rise of march antiales ideas and the decay of the system coincided with the decline of mercantilist ideas and the rise of Free Trade.
In 1763 when the Berbice slaves revolted, mercantilism was not dead, but dying. It was still strong enough to crush rebellion. It is disquieting to reflect that the decline of mercantilism did not put an end to the imperialist gunboat. crush rebellion. It is disquieting to reflect that the decline of mercantilism did not put an end to the imperialist gunboat. The Rebellion was an effective challenge to mercantilism in general and to the system of slavery in particular. It predated that greatest challenge of all which was to shake mercantilism to its very foundation, the revolt of the thirteen colonies in North America. A European idea expressed in economic policy, or uneconomic policy, was being challenged in precisely those places where it had been justifying itself. This is one aspect of the historical significance of the Berbice Rising.

PROPERTY
Before drawing the next conclusion, it is necessary to define the West Indian slave as an economic factor of production in his given historical context. He was a slave in so far as he was the property of another, in so far as he utterly lacked rights and surfeited in wrongs, in so far as he worked for nothing, there being no element of contract or consent in the subsistence rations which his master shovelled into him in order to keep up production. But in so far as he constituted the labour force for a capitalist enterprise, in which money was invested for profits, in so far as he was a slave without property of his own, the west Indian slave was a proletarian. He was the infant son of the modern industrial proletarian in one sense, and in another sense he was its father. The rebellion against his owners was not only a rebellion of property against property. It was a rebellion of proletarians against property owners.
There were present all the essential prerequisites of a proletarian revolution, eighty years before the publication of the Communist Manifesto. It was perhaps the first proletarian revolution in the history or capitalism and certainly the first in the western Hemisphere. Again, it is because they were true proletarians that they revolted.
It is necessary to explain for the casual reader the use at times of the term “revolution”
A rebellion is taken to be more or less organised armed resistance against authority with the primary intention of forcing a change of policy, or even of removing individual rulers. But when the same rebellion takes into its head to bring about, not a change of government but a change of a regime, to smash once and for all the whole basis of relations between a ruler and ruled; to replace the people identified as rulers by a group hitherto identified as ruled, the movement is a revolution. That is why it is here claim that the Berbice Rebellion was the first proletarian revolution in the history of capitalism, at least in the Western Hemisphere. This second aspect of the historical significance of the Berbice Rising.

PRODUCTION
Is it necessary to argue this point? In 1763 capitalist productions in agriculture was bloom in the Guiana settlements, as in all the West Indies. The joint stock owners or private owners invested in land, in tools, in slaves, and in equipment and made a profit out of the employment of these factors of production. They could not carry on this production without a dispossessed labour force. It was not merely surplus production, but in the context of a money economy, it was production for profit. It was not factory capitalism, but it was capitalism nevertheless. It was capitalism in the age of mercantilism, and that is what account for the fact that this glaring contradiction of slave labour in the context of capitalism was possible. In the Age of Free Trade capitalism dropped slave labour and began to recruit a labour force that was formally and physically free.

The Berbice slaves revolted against private property when the more advanced European counterparts, precisely because they were free and perhaps more because they were involved in the nation to extent that the Berbice slaves never were, could not conceive of a revolution. Could only vex the system with bitter and spasmodic rebellion?

GREATNESS
When the rebellion began it was perhaps no more than a rebellion against the immediate masters of the insurrectionists. But because they had taken the first step, and because they represented a sentiment that was so widespread among their brethren the uprising became a revolutionary movement against owners of property, for the slaves had come to realise that there could be no turning back after their challenge
When the force of the rebels grew from 150 to 900 and, then twice that number, as greatness of the moment gripped the Africans, and when, as a result things had come to the stage that the territory of Berbice, east of the Berbice River, was in hands of the rebels, when the slave leader could conceive the idea of a Treaty with the Dutch enemy, the Berbice rebellion took on the complexion of a national revolution. Cuffy's Letter to Van Hoogenheim was a declaration of Independence, a powerful claim to self-determination. Cuffy and his partisans were boldly attempting to build a nation.

The rebellion had made them potentially a nation. It forced them to recognise that it was impossible to realise the rights they claimed while they and their oppressors lived on the same territory. They were not a nation when the revolution began, but the realities of the struggle forced them to take up a national position. They could not realise the necessary proletarian aspirations of the uprising outside of the national context. So that the torch of national liberation was raised in the Western Hemisphere by the Berbice slaves. To accuse them of apartheid or of separatism is to forget, that they knew white men only as masters, capitalist, and imperialist oppressors. They showed no desire to expel those white soldiers who had deserted to their ranks and left the ranks of the company officials.
The third aspect of the historical significance of Berbice is the fact that a proletarian rising sought a national tent in order to be free to work out its own salvation. It was the apparent father of national revolutions in the Western Hemisphere.
The question may now be raised whether the revolution had it been let to live, would have pursued what could be identified at that time as proletarian aims and proletarian policy. It is hardly likely that such a course would have been followed. The most likely outcome was, that the slaves, torn as they were from their native environment and confronted with the management of plantations organised in a certain way, would imitate the state organisation of the Dutch West India Company.’
Cuffy had already styled himself, the Dutch governor of Berbice. This is probably contradicted by the history of the Bush Negroes of Surinam, But it appears that the Bush Negroes had escaped from the plantations whereas the Berbice slaves had taken control of them and would have to decide how to organise production. Unless they could very soon make a commercial nation, they might be forced to abandon sugar cultivation and turn to subsistence farming. It is true that 80 years after, the liberated Africans, after the Act of Emancipation, were able to create a new civilisation, the village system, showing a genius for cooperative enterprise. What they would have done if they had the old plantations to manage, considering the example open to them, is a matter of speculation.
The Berbice slaves were extremely resourceful and creative during the ten months that shook Berbice. Its hard core, or party, learning from the failure of ‘62, took the offensive from the very start, adumbrating guerrilla tactics in their use of forest and savannah; They had the enemy on the run. The principle that the defensive is the death of any uprising was clearly understood by them much Moore than? By the Paris commundaries who wanted in as vague a way as the Berbice slaves to change society but “did not want to start a civil war”.
The Berbice rebels took the offensive and overcame plantation after plantation. The Berbice whites were in total disarray. Their wisdom and their forts seemed to avail them nothing. Even after the arrival of the warship “Betsy” from Surinam, the revolutionaries remained on the offensive. When the Africans caught up with the Dutch again they, the Dutch, were concentrated at Plantation Dageraad which soon became the focal point of the war. It seemed to be one of the plantations on which the Dutch could find something of an African base.
In May, the rebels launched an attack on the Dutch, throwing all they had into the battle. Repulsed, the revolutionaries withdrew to their base and reconsidered their strategy. It was now time to throw diplomacy into the war, diplomacy in its best sense. The slave leadership wrote to the Dutch Governor a letter outstanding for its statesmanship and humanity. Cuffy proposed Peace with Honour and at the same time he began to prepare for an all out attack on Dageraad

THE SPLIT
It has happened so many times that an external factor has decided the fate of a movement and has proved to be the life and death of a cause.
When the revolutionary High Command split, doubtless on questions of strategy and tactics, the fate of the revolution, so far as it aimed at controlling the plantations, the property of the capitalists, was already decided by the arrival of the Dutch warships and soldiers. Still, it is possible that the split in the High Command, due in part to the new military situation, put the whole revolutionary movement on the defensive and made it easier for the imperialist troops to crush the rising. The Berbice rebellion has kindred features with the Haitian revolution, because Berbice, like Haiti, was a rising of slaves for rights to which they considered themselves entitled. Berbice had kindred features to the American revolution because Berbice was in effect a challenge to mercantilism and because in its later development it raised the banner of self-determination. It is unlike the American revolution because the revolt of the thirteen colonies was a revolt of property owners. It raised strikingly many of the questions which confronted the Russian proletariat in 1917 and guerrilla fighters the world over then to now.
Official historians of all trends are likely to scoff at many of the claims and judgments made for and in respect of the Berbice Revolution that failed. Disproving them or refuting them, however, may not be an easier matter. It is only to be hoped that
In the interests of the truth, trained historians, and even amateurs like the writer, will pitch into the discussion, with or with polemic and with all heat not unattended by light. May the discussion serve as a serious attempt to give to the Berbicians of ‘63 nothing more and nothing less than the place they have won for themselves in the history of men dying valiantly in order to live?
Source: Revolution…torch of Liberty Hoisted by Slaves: Berbice Slave Rebellion Sunday Chronicle, March 3, 1963: page 13














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Sydney King No Part of Burnham’s Plan

Sydney King: No Part of Burnham’s Plan - The Daily Chronicle, Friday, July 21, 1961
At the request of many persons we republish today the statement by Mr. Sydney King expressing disagreement with the independence plan of the leader of the P.N. C. Mr. L. F. S. Burnham
Mr. King said: -
I had just begun to be active again, carrying on the P.N. C. platform an all-out attack on the P. P. P. When a terrible shock came. The P.N. C. Leader, apparently with the consent of the executive, decided that if Jagan won he, Burnham would go with Jagan to London to help Jagan get Independence.
Over the past two months I have swallowed much in order to keep the African people together so that no other race, win or lose, should have jurisdiction over them. Now it is impossible not to speak out. The whole future of the Africans and of race relations here hang on Burnham’s statements and plan. Another Comrade and I, the only two men who understand the situation in all its aspects, have a plan which no true Guianese can oppose. I give it to you with his consent. It can give us all we want - freedom, socialism of a Guianese form racial equality. But first things first - the statements by the Leader.
Speaking at La Penitence on July 10, 1961, Burnham said: the moment voters decide by 6:00 P.M. on August 21 Jagan could take a plane for London and a seat would be reserved for me, I shall be with him to demand independence for a government which the people have put into power - I am not going to oppose independence for British Guiana under the PPP (“Evening Post” July 11, 1961)
On July 1961 at Campbellville, Mr. Burnham returned to the subject. He “emphatically declared”:
“WE DEAD”
“Whether we win or lose the general election we shall not stand in the way of independence after August 21 next. “We will not merge with the P. P, P, or U. F. and we are not interested in coalition Government.”
Mr. Burnham said that there was no question of the United Force winning the elections, and if the P. N. C. Fail to control the Government then they will give full support to the People’s Progressive Party in securing Independence for British Guiana. (“Guiana Graphic” July 14, 1961)
Finally, in a statement to the “Graphic” given on July 14, 1941, Mr. Burnham “clarified” what he had previously been reported as saying: “My support is limited to the demand for independence and has nothing to do with the ideology or programme of any party? Whichever party is returned in a majority either directly or indirectly has got the right to lead the country to independence.” (“Guiana Graphic” July 15, 1961)
In clarifying his position in this way, Mr. Burnham has confirmed our worst fears. The Leader who has warned the people of the dangers of independence under the PPP - “if we lose we done, we dead,” - is now speaking as if we did not live in BG but in England or in Jamaica or in Ghana where more or less a single race is found. Our position is peculiar. This is not a land of one race. But Mr. Burnham is a brilliant man.

WORDS OF PASSION
I wonder if Jagan remembered the rules of old fashioned English constitutional law when he wrote his petition to UNO. Mr. Burnham had asked Vigilance to write on it and this is part of what Vigilance wrote with the Leader’s approval: “Jagan finds words of passion to plead the cause of the East Indian before the U.N.O. He speaks of their “toil and sweat under deplorable working conditions,” “their starvation wages” the noncompulsory education of the East Indian girl, the misery of the Indian of his women and children. Yet never a word on the suffering of the other races. He speaks of the contribution of the East Indian to Guiana’s economy but not a word of the contribution of the other races. He speaks of success and wealth among the Portuguese and Africans. Of the latter he writes, “Numerically, they are the majority in the civil service, and many of them practice the leading professions.” Yet he makes no mention of the wealthy Indians nor of their professional men. Only misery is the lot of the Indian -
This is Jagan’s petition for independence. All in the holy name of freedom. -
“It there anyone who doubts now, Jagan’s plot? “ - Vigilance
this is the same Jagan that our Leader is going to give “full support”

BLOODY BATTLE
Read, Mr. Burnham’s first statement again. What does he mean when he talks of “the people?”
He says that if the PPP wins it will be a Government which the people has put into power. Everyone knows that only the east Indian people will vote Jagan in.
In New Nation of Friday, February 24, 1961, Vigilance quoted Jagan as saying in Thunder: “Is it that Mr. Burnham intends to accept the will of the people and is now planning to have a bloody rebellion if the will of the people be in favour of the P.P.P.?”
Thunder was giving its opinion on a reported statement of Mr. Burnham’s that “if the PPP gets into power the only way we could regain freedom is by a bloody battle.” Vigilance wrote: Is Burnham the Minister of Police, or is it Rai? The P. P, P, distrusts the Police - “necessary part of the machinery of Government.” And for one reason - it is predominantly African.”
Vigilance added. “Let up hope that Jagan believes that the “will of the people” also includes “the will of the Africans.”
Is our Leader now agreeing that the will of Jagan’s people whom Jagan represented at U.N.O. last November is the “will of the people?”
This is what we wish the Africans to realize and the Indians to realize: if either race dominates there will be no peace.
Jagan does not hide his attitude. He wrote of his people as “nationally oppressed” among Guianese. His independence will be only for them. Then the oppressors have to look out. Jagan, when the Halle report was published shouted “injustice!” he said in Berbice: “I told the Governor that in other countries injustices like this are settled by guns.” At La Penitence and again at Buxton Jagan threatened to shoot up the opposition if it won. Our Leader has said publicly, thrice in one week: if P.P. P. Wins I will help Jagan get Independence.
Mr. Burnham is our Leader. I do not understand him, especially after the UNO petition and the Halle report.
At this point I must make my position clear. I am sure that Burnham’s statement is dangerous to the African people and will give Indian racists an advantage over us. Such a plan leads direct to slavery. I cannot be any part of Burnham’s plan. I did not leave Jagan’s party so as to help Jagan get independence for his East Indian people who are nationally oppressed in Jagan’s opinion. Before I give the plan worked out by vigilance, let me remind you of Jagan’s own ideas in his own words in his own book:
“Forbidden Freedom” After discussing the situation under slavery and pointing out the Amerindians as a sort of militia or police became a necessary part of government. Jagan goes on to slander the Africans, only a few hundred of whom could have been in the police force, majority being workers.
In the new situation under the British, therefore, it was the Africans who became the necessary part of the general machinery of Government. Whenever, sugar workers were shot in the Plantations, whether at Enmore, Ruimveldt or Leonora, it was inevitably African policemen shooting Indian workers.”
Jagan is spiteful. He shouted to a crowd at Bourda Green, Georgetown, who asked him why he had closed down the housing programme that employed them. “Al you didn’t put me deh.” (Your votes did not put me in). Burnham is the Leader. His plan is to help Jagan to win Independence. A seat is reserved for him on Jagan’s plane, he boasts, Mr. Burnham knows of Jagan’s plans to settle people from the east in BG half a million Indians are to be settled here. What will the leader do at that stage? What is his big trump card under the table?

ENTIRELY FALSE
A word of warning. You have been told that Vigilance and I have been undermining the Party Leader. This entire false. We were glad that there was someone who liked to work as Leader as neither of us is politically ambitious. Things were going well until the powerful group of middle class Georgetown women asserted itself. It is they who took Odo away from the plan. All his useful gifts will be worth nothing while the petticoat Government of the Party continues. His present advisers, whoever they are have not a single helpful idea. They see the elections as a cricket match. They play into Janet Jagan’s hands. The boundary with Venezuela should be settled before independence, it is not settled yet and Odo is willing to go with Jagan. The boundary is not settled yet and Burnham is demanding the withdrawal of British troops much to the delight of Janet Jagan.
Burnham is your chosen Leader. No one must rival him. It cannot be tolerated in our situation. I feel he is playing straight into Jagan’s hands. He thinks he is going to travel to London with Jagan, Never mind; I am keeping myself free from the election mess and will not be committed to this folly. You MUST vote Burnham. You MUST vote PNC. You have to vote if they put up as candidates a lump of tar in the shape of a man. But if Burnham thinks that, in the cause of defeat, he will hand you over to Jagan and if Jagan thinks he is going to rule you, each of them is making a terrible mistake. It is then that Vigilance and I will break our silence. Vigilance is free. I am keeping out to make myself free to be of real service to you later on. Use the elections to show that you stand fast and firm in a united bloc. After that, if Jagan wins, he has lose so far as you are concerned. And if Burnham wins, Jagan’s plans for the use of guns will be defeated. Now, read our plan and see what you think of it.

NOT DEMOCRACY
Here is what we planned. As this is a multiracial society, with East Indians as the largest and most united group, with Africans coming next, and with other minority groups, a special solution is necessary. Democracy as practice in Britain is not the solution for us at this stage. Jagan who leads the East Indians masks his movement under Socialism so as to defend himself against attack from outside, especially from the Afro-Asiatic group. Together with this he is always at pains to smear the African movement by calling it the agent of imperialism and backwardness. We decided, therefore, to organize the Africans as a strongly counter bloc on a socialist platform and programme that could not be mistaken for a booker’s agency. Our understanding of socialism in British Guiana - Vigilance and I - was cooperative in every field of industry and agriculture. It could mean nothing else here. Vigilance wrote a long essay on Co-operatives for Guiana’s New Road and for the Party’s Guidance. What appears in the New Road now is my composition. The slogan “no man, no old woman and no child shall go to bed hungry” was the brain child of Vigilance. So also our socialist aim “Every citizen shall have the right to full employment,” So too the platform piece that women shall have a free day every week at special camps where the best meals will be cheap. His was the famous declaration of independence containing the political philosophy of the PNC, now forming the introduction to Guiana’s new road. His is the philosophy of industrialization. I myself wrote the sections on Labour Cooperatives and Local government. Vigilance wrote the blue prints of the new city in the interior - a cooperative city.

COOPERATIVES
Together we prepared Burnham for his second famous broadcast of March 27, 1961 working between 1:00 a.m. and 5:40 a.m., with him. We were preparing the people for socialism a system of cooperatives in all fields for all races - shops, restaurants, industries, workshops, fisheries, farms, ranches and so on. This is all socialism could mean here. Jagan’s ideas are fantastic bragging.
We have known all along that the Indians would not trust a black leader and that the Africans would not trust an Indian leader. We could see then that any attempt of the one to rule the other will lead to blood baths. Jagan had spoken of bringing Ghana into our affairs. We are going to advise Burnham to invite India, Ghana and Britain. Britain had offered freedom and we wished her to be associated. We had nothing to hide.
In their presence, Burnham should say to Jagan: You say you are socialist. Our people are organized for socialism, in which all economic development will be plotted along socialist cooperative lines. No anti-religion, confiscation, etc. Let us promote the prosperity of the people and avoid the emergence of wealthy classes of exploiters in either group, thus wiping out conflicts on grounds of rivalry.

SPECIAL SOLUTION
But your people, Jagan, do not trust a black leader: and my people do not trust an Indian leader. Therefore we must find a special solution and not pretend. Our problem is similar to that of India in 1947. Even Gandhi could not prevent what happened. Our case is not far from that of Cyprus. Let us not prevent. You went to UNO and spoke only for your own race. Here is our special solution:
Joint and equal Prime Ministership according to Law, between the Leaders of the Indian and African people.
An independent watch committee established by Law, made up of people of all races and especially the minorities, to supervise the spending of government funds and the benefits derived by various races. The same Committee will keep a watch over Jobs and employment at all levels to see that justice is done to all races.
A socialist system without foreign links: and a state neutral By Law, of Russia and the USA. By socialism must be understood a system of co-operatives in all fields, existing private enterprise and some state enterprise; production for needs; respect for all religions and for the religious tradition of our peoples.
If the power drunk Jagan, wanting to be top dog as usual should agree to this plan, all well and good. If he rejected it, we should refuse to be ruled by him and call for a division of the country, before independence into three Zones - an African Zone, an Indian Zone and a free Zone in which those who wish to live with other races may do so. The cities will be free.
That is the plan. Equality of rights and power for African and Indian as custodians of the whole. Justice by Law for minorities. Socialism without the blackmail of Russian might or American bayonets on either side. Joint and equal Premiership. Partition as a last resort. This plan can end all cause of racial antagonism and mistrust. Our co-ops will lay the economic foundation for better race relations. I repeat: this is our plan. It is a plan for our nation. It is the only plan so far that can work. It asks no one race to be the slave of the other. I am opposed to the leader’s airplane solution. But I cannot confuse the issue. I will reserve myself for later service. If the leader changes his position and puts forward a plan like this or a better one I will ****** my decision not to ******.
Do not ask me to accept slavery and to work miracles. I cannot stand on a platform that wants to hand you over to Jagan. But this is the people’s fight. You must vote PNC, so that when the elections are over your numbers can be counted and a case against your slavery can be made out by those who are free or a case against Jagan’s threats if the PNC wins.

HAND AND FOOT
When I claimed some months ago that the US money raising campaign was somehow tied up with the US Government I was told it was not so. Dr. C. H. Denbow has gone to the US and has just met the Help Guiana Committee. He says it has “full accreditation with the US Government.” How can our leaders force Jagan off the Russian adventure when they tie themselves up with the USA?
Jagan is making close ties with Venezuela. On the eve of our elections, Betanncourt sends best wishes to Jagan. Jagan is encouraging millions of dollars of Venezuelan investment in British Guiana. And these people have designs on part of our country. Jagan is offering, colonial that he is to have our bauxite processed by Venezuelan hydroelectricity! We are to be tied hand and foot and we are asked to help Jagan win independence.
Do not underestimate the dangers of independence under Jagan. No race should make light of it, least of all the African. Vote PNC and show your leader that you are not weak. You will not be sold the election now becomes a bargaining point between two forces, make your side of the bargain heavy by voting for any candidate put up by the PNC we shall do the best we can to turn your solidarity to the best advantage for the Africans so as to give equality and justice to all races, hold fast be like a rock.

RISE FOR BATTLE
I end with a quotation from Vigilance: “Black people of Guiana have pity on yourselves, for no one else will pity you. Pity your children, for who will pity them? Pity the hungry, pity the sick, pity the aged, and pity the erring ones. Pity those of every race who suffer, who cry for bread, for liberty.”
Rise for the battle. We are the vanguard. We cannot sleep. We must not die. The vultures are hovering near. We can hear their harsh, fiendish, soulless cries. Their foul breath insults us. They are sharpening their talons, grinding their beaks, watching, waiting, for us to die, yearning to tear our hearts out. Stand up, comrades. Close ranks. Pierce them with your eyes.
Those who live are those who fight. Vultures fear and flee the living. Then live, comrades! Live!
It is more important than ever to ignore the U.F. since our safety is clearly threatened. There is hope yet for salvation. But your solidarity at the elections must be even greater than before. We shall be waiting, by God’s grace to advance the correct ideas at the right time.” Sydney King
Source: Sydney King: No Part of Burnham’s Plan - The Daily Chronicle, Friday, July 21, 1961

Janet Jagan Meddling Foreigners Go Home

Janet Backs Insult to Prof. Shenoy - "Meddling Foreigners: My Advice to Him Is to Go Home" - All BG Shocked: Shenoy to Speak Tonight
Mrs. Janet Jagan yesterday came out in support of the violent demonstration against Professor. Shenoy at Port Mourant on Thursday night and admitted that the outrage which has shocked British Guiana was the work of the P. P. P.
American - born, Mrs. Jagan accused Professor. Shenoy of being a “meddling foreigner” and added: “our advice to Mr. Shenoy is to go home"
Mrs. Jagan, commenting on the Port Mourant act of violence, said: “British Guiana is a country known for its hospitality. However, this friendliness and hospitality must not be mistaken for ignorance. As the elections come nearer, several visitors to this country are misusing our hospitality and making attacks on the Government of British Guiana and the people’s representatives.

MEDDLING
Certain political parties are importing speakers from abroad. If these speakers choose to meddle in our internal affairs, they may bring upon themselves indignities which are regrettable.
“The People’s Progressive Party has only recently been expressing its concern **** ***lence at public meetings and cannot condone such acts.”
It is certainly extremely difficult, however, to expect the Guianese people to control their emotions when outsiders deliberately provoke them by slandering their leaders. Guianese is capable of judging the type of Government they want without outside help.
“Our advice to Dr., Shenoy is to go home. We are sure that he has plenty of work to do there.” As stated in yesterday’s “Daily Chronicle” the Professor was attacked at the community centre at Port Mourant - a private meeting to which he had been specially invited. No accusation was made that the PPP was responsible.
Mrs. Janet Jagan’s statement came after a day of messages from all parts of the country expressing deep regret that the professor had been threatened and abused, and expressing disgust at the action.
Many people rang the “Daily Chronicle” asking us to convey to Professor Shenoy their apologies for the incident in a land that prides itself on its hospitality to visitors.
Throughout the day appeals were made to Professor Shenoy and to the “Daily Chronicle” for him to speak again. The Professor has agreed to do so; to show that he appreciates that the demonstration was not the expression of the Guianese people as a whole. A lesser man would not have done this; but the professor will speak tonight at Georgetown Town Hall at 6:15 P.M. in response to appeals that he should not leave the country with the feeling that his presence is unwelcomed. All are invited. Admission is free. Indignation, yesterday, was particularly strong in Berbice. It is felt that the work of hooligans has let down the good name of the district.
Mr. Harold Ramdeholl, businessman and former Mayor of New Amsterdam said the behavior displayed to Professor Shenoy was the most disgraceful thing he has read about for a long time in this colony. He said it appears it was well planned and that the idea behind such behavior was to tell people: “keep out of Port Mourant.”
Mr. Jacob Hanoman, a highly respected citizen of New Amsterdam, who is chairman of the East Coast Berbice Local Authorities and a merchant of New Amsterdam, deplored the behavior handed out to Professor Shenoy. Mr. Hanoman endorsed all that was said by Mr. Harold Ramdeholl.
Source: Janet Backs Insult to Prof. Shenoy - "Meddling Foreigners: My Advice to Him Is to Go Home" - All BG Shocked: Shenoy to Speak Tonight - The Sunday Chronicle, July 9, 1961: page 1.

Robert Corbin and PNC Deh Pon Strupidness

Robert Corbin and PNC Deh Pon Strupidness and so too are their supporters - Jagdeo and Ramotar and the members of the Executive Committee of the PPP are the petty bourgeoisies promoting programs of the Paramountcy of the PPP, Marginalization, exploitation and eradication of African Guyanese and their communities, profiting from the illegal Narcotics Trade. What's this all about? Is it a carry over of the August 1961 victory march? Is it realization for Burnham-Hoyte's Illegal PNC Regime 1968-1992? Is it simply accumulation of wealth behind the veil of ethnic fears in Guyana and the blind eye of the world police of nations? Is it the Coolie Pon top of Blackman syndrome prevalent in most societies where East Indian is the dominated sector of the population?
An analysis of the last 58 years, 1953-2011, have shown the representation of the people is a microcosm of the society. Certainly, the analysis of the voters' practice will always show the electorate cast their ballot primarily on their understanding of their responsibility to their ethnic group and issues are secondary. The process regarded as democracy is inadequate in multiethnic and multicultural societies . . . it is nothing more than simply the politics of numbers . . . show me a nation on earth in which groups of ethnic minorities are not political and economically powerless and are not subjected to inhumane conditions of life daily? There only hope is migration . . . the petty bourgeoisies are the major stumbling blocks in Guyanese society . . . they most skillfully utilizes indoctrination to achieve the aims and aspirations. They promote the propaganda of PNC being a platform for Africans; Africans or Blackman hate East Indians and/or Blackman are jealous of East Indians . . . Blackman is stupid . . . Blackman can't run countries . . . women can't run countries. Females aren't good in the field of mechanizing and other business ventures. These are amongst the stereotypes East Indians’ males express . . . note the similarities of the expressions found in the aftermath of the colonial relationship of Europeans and Africans in the plantation society on both coasts of the Atlantic Ocean . . .
Racism Renders Ballot impotent it is absolutely clear to those of eyes who have eyes and use them and possess brains and use them effectively that ethnicity matters in all societies even at this late date. What has become crystal clear - no doubt about it - mankind hides behind the prison of indoctrination as the means to accumulate and keep wealth by every means possible. Mankind’s unwholesome ambitions - lusts for powers - are fueled by greed and treachery . . . politicians and religious leaders, and merchant capital are prime exhibits . . . as with most scenarios there are exceptions . . . the careers of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Eusi Kwayana and Walter Rodney demonstrates they are exceptions to the general pattern of behavior exhibited by politicians and/or political advocates during the twentieth century . . . there are a few others . . . in Guyana as elsewhere it is easy to identify who the members of your class are . . . material wealth is difficult to hide . . . and more over people are basically materialistic. They love to exhibit their possessions. I guess it's their measure of success . . . I loved to listen to farmers chatting about the sizes of their animals and fruits and vegetable and the expected returns from their crops of grains . . . that was the essence of the rural communities in the colony of British Guiana. today, in Guyana and elsewhere it's about your clothing, your residence, your means of transportation, how deep the pockets are, how believable you are, appearance is everything, you never have the opportunity to make another first impression - the messages in the cliques for the most part reveal the sources of the negativity found in current societies the world over . . .
I embrace social networking. I recognized the possibilities . . . I wondered whether the agencies of the US government had anything to do with its implementation. Whether the Eurocentric world would rue the day, the allowed the super information highway to be accessible to people beyond government agencies . . . was the World wide web intended to be a vehicle useful to perpetuate removal of persons not undermining their nations in the best interests of the European world? Your weapon could well be useful to your enemies, too. Social networks are best utilized as a tool for educating the masses of the people of earth. it must and can be used to remove despotic from power... really outstanding humans from Imhotep to Walter Rodney including Thomas more, Gandhi, Garvey, and Malcolm X and many others would have done wonders with such a weapon accessible to them...people today are blessed but they are wasting the opportunity to force the ruling class to bow down to the masses.
- Peoples Revolution is long overdue - past due
When I analyze the political upheavals taking place in the Arabs’ world; I recognize the people are being manipulated by foreign interests. The major motivating force is oil. The Eurocentric nations of the world careless about the conditions of life of the populace. They are motivated by greed and treachery. Oil is the underlying factor. If and/or when oil is found in commercial quantities in Guyana, the Eurocentric world would as suddenly be smitten with concern and committed to relieving Guyana of its natural resources. Make no mistake the Guyanese people are of no consequence to the European world. There is no interest in righting wrongs in Guyana. It has not been revealed Guyana possesses what it takes to interest the European world. That is the primary reason dictatorships are tolerated in the nation. More over, the time is past due for Guyanese people to recognize that their elected officials are not interested in the welfare of the Guyanese people. Not one of them, Jagan, Burnham, Desmond Hoyte, Cheddi Jagan, Samuel hinds, Janet Jagan and Bharat Jagdeo displayed any particular interested in the `development of Guyana and the Guyanese people. They are all petty bourgeoisies. They are all Eurocentric copycat ideologues. I believe it is accurate to define Eusi Kwayana and Walter Rodney as opposed to their actions and ideology. The WPA offered the Guyanese society a model which contrasted with all the known political platforms which existed in Guyana. The WPA today, does not possess a semblance of the integrity and/or the political philosophy of the WPA 1974-1980 . . .
I grew up in the rural communities . . . I noticed people were not outwardly racist. They were about the livelihood of mankind. Why then, do they support conditions which are totally detrimental to their existence in Guyana? The rationale is found in the indoctrination people receive in their sojourn. I find it totally objectionable that most Guyanese possess relatives of different ethnicity yet they are likely to support war against their fellow Guyanese citizenry along the demarcations of ethnicity . . . that to my way of thinking is asinine. It is DNA or kinship over ethnicity. That’s the boundary most intelligent people would stand for. The major problem is educating Guyanese people to understand that regardless of the ethnicity of the ruling class the masses have caught hell in the Guyanese experience. How do Guyanese people change such a course? It is dependant of their understanding of the man-made boundary labeled as working class and ruling class. The technocrats would have you believe they are struggling for your interests. Yet, history has shown they are totally in support of their own class interests. The major boundary in Guyana as in most nations is rich and poor people. The privileged versus the suffering class are the order of mankind's state of existence here on earth,
Change must be brought to bear on that phenomenon only then will our people rise up from the decadence which has bewitched them for centuries in the Guyanese experience. No god, no religion no one but ourselves would be willing to light ourselves from the inhumane conditions of life the masses face daily. That’s the truth of the situation.

Subject: Things I like and dislike . . . (Wiki) Leaking PPP, Granger, APNU and a degraded Party Leader
A degraded (compromised) Leader . . . What I don’t like
It is hardly surprising to read in the latest Wiki leaks revelations that Jagdeo emphasized the importance of helping PNCR Leader Robert Corbin retain his now badly degraded role as opposition leader [Stabroek News 20/9/11].
No doubts there are some on this list who will contemptuously dismiss me for the position I take. That is their prerogative, just as its mine to speak out. No one has a monopoly on truth and it’s only through a process of give and take; the exchange of ideas and robust debate that solutions can emerge.
Firstly thank you Minette and Debra for courageously and eloquently setting out the case for an improved and revitalized campaign.
Now to my point.
I have a Brethren in Guyana, who whenever I was in the country would drag me along to the next protest march against the injustices of the PPP Regime. Whenever a former leader My Hoyte called for a march, my brethren would be there. Indeed the last time I saw Mr. Hoyte alive was at PNC HQ during a Xmas get-together. We were in a conga line sashaying to the soca tune Follow the Leader. Some of you on this List was there too.
Earlier this year I spoke to my Brethren about the upcoming elections automatically assuming that he would say as usual that he’s voting PNC (or APNU as it is now). To my horror he said he was voting AFC. I asked him why. And this is what he said to me:
I aint voting PNC cause Corbin deh pun Stupidness
He cited many grounds for his disenchantment but four stood out:
The way Mr. Corbin dealt with the Vincent Alexander leadership challenge, with padded voter list and refusal of voter verification.
The fact that in the face of all the egregious (my word in place of his expletives) human rights abuses of black people, who does vote fuh he, Mr. Corbin Tek we off de streets, Desmond Hoyte wouldn’t ah do duh.
Mr. Corbin support of the Recall Bill which effectively makes him the Overlord of the PNC as he and he alone can recall a recalcitrant Parliamentarian. We remember well the case of James McAllister.
Having failed abysmally at the last elections, Mr. Corbin refuses to give up the leadership of the Party. Instead we’re treated to this charade of having a Presidential Candidate who wields little or no authority within the party. My brethren used this analogy (he drives taxis) Is like he (Mr. Corbin) want me fuh tek he somewhere but even though he in the passenger seat, he keeps troubling me steering wheel, it can’t wuk Buddy
Now we have the unedifying spectacle of Wiki leaks cables apparently reaffirming our suspicions that Jagdeo saw him as his asset within the PNC. Mr. Corbin is also seen by many erstwhile PNC voters as too self serving and authoritarian. How else can you explain the fact that with all of the PPP extrajudicial murders, racism, abuses of women and children, torture corruption, bed-hopping with drug lords, etc.? ; The PNC still cannot pull out a decisive lead. And don’t try to tell me how the PNC isn’t getting its message across; the problem goes much deeper than mere Presentation.
It is hardly surprising that not a single poll gives APNU anywhere near enough votes to win the forthcoming elections. Don’t heap all the blame on the Granger Campaign, look at the backseat driver!
Not only do I not like the prospect of a PPP win, it terrifies me. But I dislike even more the antics of a leader who is at best past his sell by date and at worst a total electoral liability.
My Brethren still wants to vote PNC but Mr. Corbin is in the way of his vote!
It is not too late Mr. Corbin. Read the Wiki leaks cables, do the decent thing while there’s still time and stand down immediately. History may yet judge you kindly if you do.
Peace Colin
"Georgetown Looks to the East Coast to Decide its Political Matters" April 1919
‘As one correspondent of the Chronicle wrote in October 1918, "It is a common thought among the poorer peoples of this colony that places under British rule do not make rapid progress . . . Until the policy of a country gets into the hands of the people through their representatives, it is bound to make slow progress.”
By the end of the war, the electorate was faced with a 'Progressive Party', which was not an organizational unit, but an alliance of politicians, which had emerged out of the Recall Movement with the intention of capturing all fourteen of the seats which were to be filled by election.
Again they identified themselves with the masses, and this itself was to provide grounds for disillusionment when they were successfully elected.’
I am confident Corbin is not only on stupidness but also - that scenario has been tolerated for far too many years . . . I recall the debacle following Vincent Alexander challenge to Corbin . . . the mere fact that Black people, African Guyanese and especially those of the communities of the villages of the East Coast of Demerara still blindly support the PNC is simply most revolting . . . it is beyond my simple mind set . . . when I was a child they taught me a ridiculous tale which amounts to who will bell the cat . . . that syndrome has handcuffed Guyanese people as long as I can remember . . . More over I advocate the PNC membership needs to strip Corbin of his authority. Further more PNC should simply expel Corbin, immediately . . . as was done to Manning in Trinidad. PNM kicked him out. They should have kicked his butt . . . How much of Corbin and his shenanigans are our people going to endure? I say toss him out, right this minute . . . while you are at it, also toss out the entire cadre of the old guard . . . all of them needs to be immediately replaced with young and vibrant people armed with visions of promoting development of all phases of life in Guyana.
“Women's autonomy in Guyana has been shaped by its unique history of colonial rule, slavery, and indentureship, its ethnic composition, its proximity to the US and its small size. The two major political parties, the Afro-Guyanese dominated People's National Congress and the Indo- Guyanese dominated People's Progressive Party have been locked in a struggle for power in the post-independence decades. Voting is along ethnic lines and the elections were marked by violence. The political and economic problems the country in the last three decades has led to massive emigration and the flight of the educated middle class. This scenario has also had an effect on the politics of gender and on women's solidarity in Guyana.”
. The PNC must distance itself from its past. It must truly become a people’s party. By that I mean every member of the party must be confident they have equal opportunity to become the leader of the party. Elections within the Party must be above scrutiny . . . I am not aware of any elections within the PNC to be without incident and/or above suspicion. The process seems to be reminiscent of that found in publications relative to the mafia in the USA.
Perhaps, I expect too much of the people of the rural districts . . . Perhaps, I expect too much of our females . . . I expect leadership to spring from the villages of the East Coast of Demerara . . . Dr. Rodney tells us, ’peasant farmers of the East Coast Demerara met at Victoria Village, condemned the government in power, and agreed to form a 'Political Association', embracing members from Ann's Grove and Bachelor's Adventure. All this was in the period after the Recall Movement and the formation of the 'Progressive Party,” and it may appear futile because the workers had no vote.’
Dr. Rodney stated, ‘the initiative on the issues concerning the well-being of the masses came from the rural peasantry. The Chairman of the Victoria Institute remarked in April 1919 that "Georgetown looks to the East Coast to decide its political matters,” and the facts did bear out this situation. The weapons which the rural proletariat and peasantry fashioned for their struggle included credit banks and agricultural societies, while the Village Councils and the Village Chairmen's Conferences were forums for the expression of the will of the rural masses and their determination to confront the planter class’.
I cannot for the life in me understand why our people continue to support the petty bourgeoisies . . . These personalities possess middle class aspirations. They are selfish. Certainly, they are not about the greatest good of our people. They are solely committed and interested in acquiring personal prestige and accumulations of personal wealth.
I still believe PNC could still become a formidable contender . . . they could probably win a narrow victory, by simply throwing out all of the old guard and signaling they are embracing the females . . . voters would favorably consider a ticket with females as viable candidates . . . such a move would show that PNC is about changing its image.
I would love to reside in an egalitarian society in Demerara . . . that was my dream. The reality has been just as terrible as the experiences of my ancestors during the days of physical bondage on the plantations . . . such a nightmare - what a rat race?

Das, Maitreyi (2000) Women's Autonomy and Politics of Gender in Guyana: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 35, No. 23 (Jun. 3-9, 2000), pp. 1944-1948
Rodney, Walter (1966) Masses in Action - on the Canvas of the World - New World - Guyana Independence Issue - George Lamming and Martin Carter (Editors) pp. 46-55

Guyanese - Neither PPP nor PNC

It is obvious. There were numerous Guyanese people who are not supporters of either the PPP or the PNC . . . The genesis of the PPP is the return of Cheddi Jagan and the arrival Janet Jagan in the colony of British Guiana in the late 1940s. The introduction of Forbes Burnham in the arena of colonial politics in 1949 marks the beginnings of the PNC . . . The birthing of the British Guiana Constitutional Reform Club in 1887 marks the beginnings of party politics in the colony of British Guiana . . . Therefore, some sixty years before Cheddi Jagan began to emerge as a leading light in colonial politics, numerous champions graced the arena. Prior to the early 1940s, there were groups of politicians known collectively as the Popular Party, The People’s Association, 1903-1921 The People’s Political Association, and Reform Movement. The following were numbered amongst them; Nelson Cannon, Albert Raymond Forbes Webber, Thomas Theophilus Thompson, Peer Bacchus, J. B. Singh, Nicholson, Henry Aaron Britton, Arnold Seeram, Victor Ramsaran, E. F. Fredericks, J. S. MacArthur, Joseph Eleazer, John Dodds, J. P. Santos, P. A. Fernandes, J. J. DaSilva, A. A. Thorne, Rev. H. A. Holder, Frank Dias, P. N. Browne, McLean Ogle, George Augustus Henry Bunyan, and Stephen Arminius Robertson. A number of others were also championing the cause of our people long before Jagan and Burnham emerged on the scene . . . Complete polarization of the people along ethnic identity in the colony of British Guiana is numbered among the miserable legacies of Jagan and Burnham.
The facts show that the colony of British Guiana was birthed in the atmosphere of Race, ethnicity and class. Economic empowerment of Europe was the focal point of the ideology of European colonial expansion. European ruling class and merchant class were not interested in Thomas More’s utopia. They were into the philosophy of enjoying the fruits of the privileged class while sucking the daylights out of the suffering class - regardless of whatever name they were referred to Villeinage, slavery, indentured Labourers, apprentice, and employees all caught hell - and to this day most of their descendants are still catching hell daily . . .
It is also obvious. Today, there are thousands of Guyanese people who do not identify with either the PPP or the PNC. Who are numbered amongst them? What percentage of the Guyanese people are opposed to both the PPP and the PNC? What are the aims and/or agenda of independent minded? What is the political reality for this frustrated sector of the Guyanese populace?
I suppose the best course this group must embark upon is the slate of political reform, constitutional, reform and education reform, local government reform, economic empowerment, academic achievement, and working class agenda . . . The frustrated people of Guyana must pay absolute attention to the people’s revolt in current and recent times in the regions bordered by the Mediterranean Sea. What are the lessons to be drawn from the events in the so-called Middle East? Don’t ever be fooled? The aim of the western world is cheap, reliable and continued supply of oil? After all the western con-men aided and abetted the exploitation and oppression of the majority of the Arab world as they have done for centuries in other locations on earth.
I have always wondered about the intelligence of people who proclaim politicians as national heroes . . . politicians utilize the philosophy of divide and rule for their personal benefit . . . politicians considered and/or enshrined as national heroes is a slapping the collect faces of the unsung heroes of the people . . . I see little and/or no difference between these iconic figures, and the various vampires which suck the blood of people for millenniums.
People display their simplistic mind set whenever they spew their racist venom . . . Greed and racism is the root cause of the plight mankind faces daily . . . man-made boundaries are the most effective weapons used by one group against another and/or others.
Human beings are defined by virtue of their physical appearance and/or their imagined ethnicity by virtue of their surname.
This deep-seated indoctrination allows the minds of individuals and groups to lodge others into groups of support or into enemy camp.
This scenario is a universal human dilemma. There is no nation . . . There is no society upon the face of this earth where those conditions do not exists. Our people have polarized the Guyanese society. Guyana like most nations, if not all nations, is highly polarized state. The democratic process is as faulty as any known to mankind. The system of two major political parties is the worst of all. There are problems with the two party systems in every nation on earth. The main source of the discontent remains the acute divisionists’ syndrome and marginalizing of huge sectors of the populace as experienced in the affected societies.

The remedy is quite simple . . . a people’s revolution is an absolute necessity . . . I believe it is quite possible for people of the rural districts to challenge the spirit of their nineteenth century ancestors and rise up against the politicians and their platforms as our ancestor rose up against the Sugar Producers Association and the colonial authorities who benefitted from their exploitation. Will the Guyanese people ever unite against their common enemy instead of propagating their own oppressive conditions of life?
It is my conviction that the sad state of affairs in Guyana is a direct result of the choices made by electorate primarily the supporters of the PPP and the PNC . . . those narrowed minded people greatly contributed to the underdevelopment of the rural communities and the nation as a whole. They are the primary reasons why the best minds are found not in Guyana but in the academic institutions in the western world. Thus mediocrity reigns supremely in the consort with corruption and immoral social bankruptcy in Guyana today I will not ever sanction such for any people on earth much less the people of land of my birth . . . I would love nothing better to be made aware that Guyanese people have finally emerge from their sleep and slumber and stupor and control the politics and politicians and not the politicians selecting each other and controlling our people . . . Guyanese have had too much of that nonsense for too many decades now. The main question remains to be answered - when is enough, enough? Guyanese people must emphatically answer the question. If you refuse to reject t both the PPP and the PNC, then you are part of the problem. You cannot be counted there upon to participate in providing the solution to the decades old problem. Prior generations have bequeathed a policy and pattern of behavior which failed them and will it be allowed to continue to fail succeeding generations of Guyanese? The choices you make affect the life of other . . . remember that - man and mankind are all in this together here upon earth . . . Let changes shine upon the land ..Long live the conscious and freedom loving Guyanese people. . Peace be upon you. . Peace be upon the oppressed people of earth...

Martyrs of the East Coast Demerara Revolt of August 1823

I consider August 1 - September 16 an extremely important period in the African experience in Guyana.
Episodes of great amounts of the bloodshed took place, one hundred and eighty-eight years ago, on the East Sea Coast of the Colony of Demerara. On August 18, 1823, oppressed people of African origins enslaved on forty plantations situated on the East Sea Coast between the Demerara and Mahaica Rivers were allowed to take up arms in an effort to secure their freedom by means of self-emancipation. It is accepted that some twelve thousand Africans enslaved upon the plantations between and including plantations Plaisance and Dochfour participated in this Struggle.
The evidence shows the following alarming features;
The slaves on the plantations on the East Sea Coast of Demerara heard bits of information relative to the amelioration of slavery in the West Indies. Apparently, they concluded the British Government in Europe had declared them a free people. However, the colonial authorities in the United colony of Demerary and Essequebo were withholding their freedom. Therefore, on Sunday, August 17, 1823 the enslaved people made final preparations to strike blows in the bid to obtain their liberty by militant action designed to achieve freedom by means of self-emancipation.
The rebellion was betrayed. A slave on 'Le Reduit' plantation, Joseph Simpson, informed Mr. Simpson, at approximately 6 a.m. on the morning of Monday, August 18, 1823, that an uprising had been finalized on Sunday, August 17, 1823 at Bethel chapel. The revolt was scheduled to begin on the evening of Monday, August 18, 1823. the slave-owner, immediately begun the journey to share the information with the Governor. While on his way to Georgetown, Mr. Simpson alerted several estates on the route to Georgetown. It was yet another episode which became the distinct pattern of betrayal in which narrow-minded Africans were counter productive regrading their own self interest above and beyond that of the majority of the enslaved Africans simply because of the patronage they received from their oppressors. The Europeans on the other hand seemed hellbent on shedding the blood of as great a number of Africans as humanly possible.
Thus, before the slaves struck the first blow, Major-General John Murray, Lieutenant Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the united colony of Demerara and Essequebo was made aware of pertinent information in more than enough time respecting the imminent threat of the rebellion. Therefore, Major-General John Murray, was in the position to prevent the outrageous loss of life, which resulted from the failed attempt at self-emancipation.
The Europeans were interested in preserving their way of life by any and/or every means possible. The Europeans intended to stem and reverse the tide of public opinion against the sugar planters in Britain by showing Africans as savages only fit for subserviency and forced labor to ensure a privileged life of Europeans.
Hundreds of Africans were massacred at Plantation Bachelor's Adventure. Some estimates determine the number to be as high as 500. Colonial records showed Major-General John Murray, stated 150 Africans were killed at Plantation Bachelor's Adventure. Regardless of the figure stated in the colonial records; the undeniable truth remains’ defenseless Africans were brutally murdered on the command of Colonel Leahy. The Africans were unceremoniously buried in mass graves. Some accept and believe that episode transpired at Plantation Paradise.
The evidence further demonstrates the Africans were by far more humane than the Europeans. It is said that Africans never intended to kill the Europeans who were adjudged to be merciful to their plight. These were primarily the missionaries, the females and children.

the Martyrs

Wednesday, August 20, 1823
Hundreds of Africans were massacred at Plantation Bachelor's Adventure. Some estimates determine the number to be as low as 200 while others place it as high as 500. Colonial records show Governor Murray stated 150 Africans were killed at Plantation Bachelor's Adventure. Regardless of the given figures. The undeniable truth remains’ defenseless Africans were brutally murdered on the command of Colonel Leahy. The Africans were unceremoniously buried in mass graves. Some accept and believe that episode transpired at Plantation Paradise.

Friday, August 22, 1823
Beard (plantation Clonbrook), the father of Telemachus, January, Edward, Prince and Primo were executed by firing squad

Tuesday, August 26, 1823
Natty, alias Natt (Plantation Enterprise) and Louis (Plantation Plaisance)
Caleb and Sloane of Plantation Nabaclis, were shot. They were decapitated by Joseph. The chief driver of the Plantation Nabaclis, and their heads were affixed to poles in the front of the estate. Joseph was arrested and confined as a ringleader.

Wednesday, August 27, 1823
Murphy (Plantation Foulis) and Harry (Plantation Good Hope)

Thursday, August 28, 1823
Damas (Plantation Plaisance); Daniel and Philip (Plantation Foulis) and Evan (Plantation Good Hope)

Saturday, September 6, 1823
Attilla (Plantation Plaisance), Quintus(Plantation Beterverwagting),

Friday, September 12, 1823
Lindor and Pickle (Plantation La Bonne Intention)

Tuesday, September 16, 1823
Quamina was trapped by a search party led by Captain M'Turk. Quamina shot and killed by an indigenous Guyanese named Cattow alias Skillikelly. Quamina was struck in the temple, side and arm.
The role of the indigenous people was overlooked. Michael M'Turk employed as many as forty native Guianese in the pursuit of Africans. In fact it is a consensus that a Native American Cattow shot and killed Quamina on September 16, 1823.
Africans were most cruelly murdered. Their bodies were dismembered. Their heads affixed to poles and prominently displayed along the plantations. The soldiers performed the gruesome tasks of decapitation. However, on numerous occasions, drivers of the plantations performed the decapitations of their Africans.

It is simply an easy task to sit back in this era the age of information and render judgement upon the known efforts of our representative of prior centuries and millenniums. You and I have the advantage of accessing the published data respecting the episodes of their experiences. However, neither you nor I can be absolutely sure of their accuracy. The simple fact remains you and I were not eyewitnesses of the events. The major ingredients, the experiences of the slaves, from their point of views are not absolutely available to us. The slaves had very limited choices of escaping their daily experiences of oppression. The options which were and/or are available to people of the twentieth and twentieth-first centuries were not available to the Africans enslaved on the plantations from the sixteenth century to the nineteenth century inclusive. However, the pattern of indoctrination and responses remain a common factor in the results of efforts in reaction to oppression. In the majority of the episodes in which Africans and an indentured labourer attempted to reverse the adverse conditions of their existence they were betrayed by individuals clinging to scraps off the table of the oppressors. That scenario remains a common enemy of freedom loving people everywhere and in every epoch in the annals of the human experience. Consequently, the best solution to such a problem is the philosophy of scorched earth as practiced by the Kenyan nationalist in their struggle for self-determination in the opening years of the last half of the twentieth century. Successful revolutions are predicated on completely overturning systems of repressions. Whenever, and wherever, the oppressed people seeking their freedom do not practice total purges of their repression; they are just as guilty as the oppressors themselves. The very idea of saving the lives of the women and children of the oppressor is putrid to me. It is totally contrary to intelligent behavior. In the medical profession if the practitioners diagnose and treat the symptoms they really accomplish nothing for the condition would not have been eradicated. The entire condition needs to be purged to achieve the desired effect.
As a descendant of enslaved people of the plantations located on the east sea coast of demerara it is my conviction that the Demerara slave revolt was an exercise which could have been avoided had the colonials being a more civilized person bent on avoiding the wanton shedding of African blood. However, the aftermath of the episode showed the British public that the Africans desired freedom against all odds. Thus, the demerara slave revolt was one of the chapters written in blood in the struggle for self-determination and self-emancipation which resulted in political independence being achieved on May 26, 1966. Every protest was a blow struck by the masses against the oppressors for the right of self - determination. Therefore, it is incumbent upon the masses of the present day Guyanese society to recognize that fact as the reality of their existence with the political confines of their nation. The people of Guyana must not continue to allow chapters of our struggles for freedom to be defined by the oppressors of our people regardless of the ethnicity of the repressive force and/or the claims made by the governmental administrations and political platforms.
The failure of every government to recognize the struggles of our ancestors is not at all surprising. The colonials were not interested in neither preserving heritage nor presenting our people as intelligent human beings. In the eyes of the colonials the representatives of the masses of the Guyanese people were necessary as a supply of labour for the maintenance of their privileged life in Europe and in the colonies. The PPP and the PNC are also just as fraudulent. They are into promoting the imagery that they are the champions of our freedoms in fact the exact opposite is the truth. The PPP and the PNC are just as exploiters of our people as any of the governors and colonial administration ever were throughout the annals of the people who were enslaved, apprenticed and indentured in the various political boundaries which is known in this era as Guyana. If you are oppressed by people who have physical characteristics which are similar to yours and your representatives were oppressed by people who don't look like you - the common threads of suffering remains ever present. Oppression is oppression regardless of the ethnicity of the oppressors and/or the exploited. There is no such thing as friendly fire. The end result remains the same
On August 1, 1834, African people enslaved in the colony of British Guiana became legally known as Apprentice labourers. During the period August 3 - August 12, 1834; Apprenticed Labourers on the East Sea Coast of the County of Essequebo staged an exercise of civil disobedience and nonviolent protest regarding conditions of labour.
The trials of all the prisoners were finally completed on September 30, 1834; on the last day two more sentences of transportation were handed down against Bob of Plantation Lima and William the boatman who was attached to Mr. Goring - both men being given 14 years transportation. At the end of the trial 36 sentences had been handed down: Damon to death; Frederick to transportation for life; Fothergill, Bob and William to transportation for 14 years each; Adonis and Chance, one month and 200 lashes; Abraham, Little Peter, Frederick a.k.a. Cudjoe, Christian and Hendrick a.k.a. Hendy, one month and 150 lashes; Big Peter, 50 lashes; Billy, Peter (Coffee Grove), Will and Joe, one month and 100 lashes. Prince, Bob, (Coffee Grove), Lawrence and Sam, one month, 50 lashes.
Jan Swart, Mark and Bean were adjudged not guiltily. The cases against John Lewis and Peter of Hampton Court were thrown out: there was no evidence against John Lewis, while it was pointed out that. Peter was named wrongly for one Pitt. Those who had given King's evidence - Jacky and Nathaniel of La Belle Alliance, and Jacobus and Johnathon of Richmond, were presumably granted the pardon they had sought to obtain by their treacherous action. (Payne, 1999: 262)
On August 1, 1838, African people were declared totally and fully emancipated people. They became peasants. They purchased numerous abandoned plantations. An insignificant amount of our representatives was enfranchised prior to 1953.
If you didn’t know now you know the names of a number of our heroes and the real martyrs of the Demerara slave Revolt of August 1823. it is asinine for African people to believe and/or accept Reverend John Smith was a martyr of our people. Reverend Smith is a European. Thus, his interests and his sympathies were with Europeans. I am that positive Reverend John Smith was a calming influence on the slaves' appetite for freedom. The slaves show too much restraint against their oppressors. Thus, it is clear their docility was due in part to the brainwashing they received from the missionaries.
Certainly, the enslaved people are heroes of the guyanese people. it is high time their efforts be celebarted in the districts in which they participated in all phases of life. long live peoples' power long live our martyrs long live our heroes....